European Race Bulletin

An introduction to 'France inflamed: riots and reactions'

By Tim Cleary

23 February 2006

The recent uprisings across France in October and November 2005 saw anger on unprecedented levels among the residents of the deprived banlieues (suburban ghettoes) on the outskirts of towns and cities, where many of France's ethnic minorities live. The anger was ignited after two teenagers of African origin - Zyed Benna and Bouna Traoré - were electrocuted and died while taking refuge in an electricity substation in Clichy-sous-Bois (Seine-Saint-Denis) on 27 October. Their friend, Muhittin Altun, was severely injured.

The boys were allegedly being pursued by police officers who wanted to carry out an identity check. The riots began in Clichy-sous-Bois, but then spread to neighbouring towns, followed by unrest across France which lasted for approximately three weeks. Incidents similar to those in France were also reported in neighbouring countries Belgium and Germany, and also in Greece.

In dealing with the rioting in France, a 1955 state-of-emergency law was invoked, allowing local officials to impose curfews and other measures in order to control the activities of residents. Critics pointed to the colonial overtones of this law, which had been used previously to quell unrest during the Algerian War of Independence and against an independence movement in the French overseas territory of New Caledonia in 1984. One incident of police brutality during the riots was filmed and shown on television, leading to action being taken against the officers responsible.

Interior minister Nicolas Sarkozy also called for foreigners to be expelled from France if it was found that they were involved in the riots and stated that some deportations were under way. In addition to this, noticeable moves have been made by the French government to further restrict immigration and to clamp down on Islamic extremist groups, showing that 'riots', 'immigration' and 'Islamic extremism' have, by some people, been seen as intimately related.

Various politicians on the Right and far Right have made statements in relation to the uprisings, showing a definite shift to the right in terms of French political discourse. Most prominent in the media has been interior minister Nicolas Sarkozy, who - even before the rioting - had referred to elements of the disadvantaged suburbs as racaille, which has been translated variously as 'scum', 'rabble' and 'riff-raff'. Other members of the ruling UMP party and Philippe de Villiers of Mouvement pour la France tried to look for a cause of the riots in polygamy, which provoked indignation among anti-racist groups such as MRAP, SOS Racisme and the Ligue des Droits de l'Homme. The last of these organisations stated that it was 'nauseating and irresponsible to turn foreigners into the cause of the situation our country is experiencing'. Furthermore, several French rap artists were accused of playing a part in provoking the riots and were threatened with legal action.

The Front National also seized the opportunity to promote its racist anti-immigrant policy, with leader Jean-Marie Le Pen stating that 'if their parents and grandparents came to France thinking that it was an Eldorado and if their grandchildren believe there aren't any opportunities, they can always return to their country of origin'. He also addressed around 300 Front National supporters and declared that France was now 'paying the bill' for its 'mad and criminal immigration from the Third World'.

During the uprisings and in their aftermath, a national debate - to which residents, politicians, anti-racist and human rights groups, intellectuals and celebrities all contributed - forced the French government to think about ways in which it could tackle the failure of its integration policy, wherein unemployment, disadvantage and racial discrimination have continued to blight many French communities, particularly ethnic minorities of north and west African origin. The interior minister said that France 'must break with a political, social and economic system that has for 30 years produced mainly unemployment, debt and opposition to change', suggesting that positive discrimination might be one solution.

Human rights groups and other non-governmental organisations have also been vocal in their critique of the French Republican integration model, where everyone is purportedly equal - pointing out that this model, in reality, glosses over the fact that racism and discrimination are endemic in France. One umbrella group, CRAN, was formed to represent Black people in France.

The uprisings have also prompted the questioning of a recent educational law, whereby textbooks would be required to show the 'positive role' that France played in its former colonies. In many ways, reactions from ethnic minorities in France have mirrored protests in former colonies and current French overseas territories, which object to the way in which the French authorities have tried to gloss over slavery and atrocities in colonial history. As such, France is being forced to re-examine its colonial past and its postcolonial present by a vocal, multicultural population.

By extension, the uprisings have forced other European states to look at their own integration models, with commentators asking if riots would take place in their countries next, or otherwise asserting that their countries would be immune from such rioting because racism was somehow less of a problem there.

The Institute of Race Relations is precluded from expressing a corporate view: any opinions expressed are therefore those of the authors.

An introduction to 'France inflamed: riots and reactions'

By Tim Cleary

23 February 2006

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